( Editorial: --> 4340 )
ZAGREB, Feb 24 (Hina) - The following are excerpts from an
unofficial transcript of President Franjo Tudjman's speech at the
recent Fourth General Convention of the Croatian Democratic Union
(HDZ), pertaining to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Certain parts from these
sections of the speech have been quoted and interpreted in
different ways during in the past few days, and have also been the
subject of a protest note by the Bosnia-Herzegovina Embassy in
Zagreb.
(...)
"Furthermore, we do not doubt that, as I said, it is the Croatian
left wing, communists, socialists, anti-fascists, common
democrats, that should be credited with placing the Croatian anti-
fascist movement on the side of the anti-fascist democratic
coalition, and that we can rightfully stress, therefore, that in
the period, in the tragic period of World War II from 1941 to 1945,
we not only had the NDH government on the side of Hitler and
Mussolini, European Nazi-fascism, but we also had the anti-fascist
movement in the state of Croatia, made up of Croatian people, one of
the most powerful anti-fascist movements in Europe. This anti-
fascist partisan movement is also credited with returning Istria,
Rijeka, Zadar and the (Adriatic) islands into the arms of the
Croatian homeland, including even those parts which had never in
history belonged to Croatia. The Croatian communist movement,
anti-fascist movement, yielded both prominent politicians and
statesmen on an international scale, it yielded prominent
intellectuals on a European scale: Krleza, Cesarac, Kersovani,
Adzija, it also yielded adamant, consistently Croatian politicians
from Andrija Hebrang, Ivo Rukavina, and all those who have joined us
and who are with us in the HDZ. We knew how to appreciate, and we will
know how to appreciate that ZAVNOH, the establishment of ZAVNOH and
a ZAVNOH-style Croatia was the foundation for the constitutional
and legal formation, for the constitutional and legal
justification of the establishment of our independent, sovereign
and democratic Croatia, because without this, without the basis for
it in the constitutions, this Europe, such as it is, this world,
such as it is, would have treated us with much, much more cruelty.
"In the end, it has to be recognised that the reformist communist
leadership in Croatia had in 1989, in the European and Croatian
watershed period, chosen multi-party elections. However, as I
said, they wanted to prevent us, they threatened, etc., but all
these are positive elements, all this does not only justify, but
also demands of us to give the necessary importance and necessary
recognition to those people who, within that framework, also
contributed to establishing Croatia. Unfortunately, the negative
elements of that leftist Croatian communist movement bear
significantly more weight than the positive ones.
"In that leftist movement, socialist, communist - and not only
leftist from socialists and communists but the liberal, liberals
and anarchists, from the past century until today - we are faced
with a negative attitude towards every appearance of the Croatian
national movement, whether it be the peasants', bourgeois or all-
Croatian movement such as ours today is. From accusations of
Jelacic to Radic,... in the name of Macek, Pavelic,... in the name
of some former European, international, cosmopolitan and socialist
ideas, etc. This communist movement was an integral part of the
communist movement of Yugoslavia and the Stalinist Soviet Union
committed to global communist dictatorship and the Soviet
internationalist world. This very movement advocated the Yugoslav
federation, maybe mostly a confederation, but never an independent
Croatia.
"The communist leadership consented to a redrawing of borders in
the Yugoslav federation, they consented to unfavourable borders
for Croatia, not only had they abandoned the idea of Bosnia-
Herzegovina being a part of Croatia, as Vojvodina had been given to
Serbia, notwithstanding the fact that historically it had never
been a part of Serbia, but they had also consented to unfavourable
borders in Srijem, Boka, and as regards Bosnia-Herzegovina, they
even consented to dividing Croatian territory and the Croatian
people at Neum, and they agreed that Bosnia did not need the exit Što
the seaĆ at Sutorina in Boka Kotorska, because this was in the
interest of Serbia and Montenegro."
(...)
"Internal adversaries of the Croatian Democratic Union are
especially vocal in their criticism of the Croatian state policy
towards Bosnia-Herzegovina. The objective observer, not only in
Croatia, but increasingly in Europe and America, is increasingly
recognising that the Croatian policy had been realistic and
constructive, that we had warned the Moslem leadership about the
ŠSerbĆ aggression, that we had been the first to recognise Bosnia-
Herzegovina, that as a counter-measure to the separation of the
Serb republic from Bosnia-Herzegovina, we had supported the
establishment of the Croat Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia with the aim
of protecting Croats in the Bosnia-Herzegovina from which the Serbs
had separated, and in which the Moslems had wanted to establish
their Moslem state in accordance with the Koran Islamic laws.
"We prevented an agreement - this is becoming increasingly clear -
we prevented a Moslem-Serb agreement, according to which Moslems
and Serbs were to divide Croat territory east of the Neretva ŠRiverĆ
all the way to ŠtheĆ Prevlaka ŠpeninsulaĆ.
"We agreed to the Washington Agreement and made possible the Dayton
Agreement both through our military triumphs and our political
participation, because - given the geostrategic position of and
interconnectedness between the two countries - the survival of
Croats and the protection of Croatian strategic interests is
possible only under the condition of links between the Bosnian
Federation and Croatia.
"It is interesting that we are today faced with a certain, almost
ridiculous return of unitarist elements in Croatian political
history. As during the creation of Yugoslavia after World War I and
the disintegration of the Hapsburg monarchy, we had supporters of
Yugoslav unitarism from Split and Zagreb to Varazdin, as during the
fall of the former Yugoslavia in the '90s we had those supporters in
the Croatian political life I had spoken about, who advocated the
maintenance of Yugoslavia, but also a different Yugoslavia, so
today in Croatia we have Bosnian unitarists who, of course,
represent little more than themselves, but this is also very
significant.
"And this, it is understandable, is not only not in the interest of,
but is completely opposite to the interests of the Croatian people,
Croatian national being and the Croatian state, and opposite to, as
we increasingly see, international factors who are involved with
the organisation of a new international order, in one way or
another, more or less successfully or intelligently. And the fact
that major European cities, Vienna, Bonn, Paris, and not only in
Europe, but tomorrow Washington, are receiving the Republika
Srpska Prime Minister, points to the fact that international
factors have also come to realise that the crisis in Bosnia can only
be solved on the basis of three constitutive peoples and two
entities who, therefore, in its own logic gain confederate
characteristics, rights and international ties.
"Hence, we are in favour of a solution of such a crisis, for the
establishment of special relations between the Bosnian Federation
and Croatia, which is in the interests of both the Croat people and
the Moslem people.
"In connection with it let me say something else about opinions
among our own people, in Croatian ranks, concerning the discussion
about the construction of motorways, concerning the draft of the
tripartite agreement among the United States, Croatia and Bosnia on
the construction of the road Zagreb-Bihac-Drvar-Livno-Mostar-
Dubrovnik.
"Some of our people ask, why does it not pass through Croatian land.
Well, for God's sake, we are returning to where King Tomislav came
from.
"We are making safe Croathood in the Federation, we are securing
strategic interests of the Croatian state. Not to mention the fact
that we are connecting not only northern Croatia with Dubrovnik,
but also Europe with this part, that we are creating preconditions
for Croatia never to be again in jeopardy, never to end on, as people
used to say, three seas, north of Zadar or east of the Neretva
ŠRiverĆ.
"Therefore, it is understandable that we will not forget the direct
connection of north Croatia, Zagreb with Zadar, Split, etc., but we
have been entrusted with the historic task of securing the
strategic interests of the Croatian people and the Croatian state
and we will not let it pass by."
(hina) lm/mb
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